Race Relations in the Post-Independence Bahamas

by Christopher Curry

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Christopher Curry is currently Associate Professor of History at the University of The Bahamas. His research interests include: Bahamian and Caribbean history, particularly the colonial period; race relations in the colonial and independence eras; and identity formation as it relates to the construction of nationalist narratives.

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Summary

This paper challenges the neo-liberal myth of a post-racial Bahamian society. It argues that in the post-independence period (1973-present), race issues remain central to Bahamian identity; manifested in the areas of political discourse, the shaping of community values, the persistence of residential segregation, and even in the social construction of Bahamian nationalism. Traditional archival sources are augmented by an empirical based quantitative survey of Family Island and New Providence communities. The findings suggest that in the post-independence Bahamas, race remains a contentious and divisive issue.

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As The Bahamas prepares to celebrate its 45th anniversary of independence a reflection on national identity and the forces that shape it seems necessary. Identity is based on group solidarity, a sense that certain people belong naturally together, and share a common history and culture, which sets them apart from others [1]. In this context, the concept of ‘race’ has always been a vital component in the shaping of Bahamian history and national identity [2]. Yet while Bahamians commonly use ‘race’ in vernacular discourse, the term is problematic for several reasons. As Virginia Cyrus has argued the term ‘race’ has been socially constructed in order to subordinate those without power and consequently reflect social attitudes rather than genetic composition. A further problem that arises is that the term ‘race’ is far too general when categorizing people with very distinct language, culture and community beliefs nor does it take into account the extensive intermixing that has occurred between various groups of people [3]. John Hope Franklin has suggested that ethnicity in its broadest definition extends to language, customs, religion and national origin where race is a narrow and counterproductive concept [4]. Nevertheless, the term is still relevant in The Bahamas where race and class were socially constructed by a small agro-commercial oligarchy who dominated and controlled both the colored middle class and the laboring black masses. For this reason, although the term is archaic, its continued use reflects how deeply embedded race is in the Bahamian ethos and therefore deserving of deeper analysis.  

 

[1]Evelyn McCollin, Resistance and Afro-Caribbean Influences in the development of Bahamian National Identity, presented at Bahamas Historical Society, May 30th2002, p. 1.

[2]Nicolette Bethel, “Navigations: National Identity and the Archipelago,” Yinna, 1(2000), p. 23.

[3]Virginia Cyrus, Experiencing Race, Class and Gender in the United States, (Mountain View California, 2000), p. 11.

[4]John Hope Franklin, “Ethnicity in American Life: The Historical Perspective”, in Experiencing Race Class and Gender in the United States, ed. Virginia Cyrus (Mountain View California, 2000), p. 19. 

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Unfortunately, in The Bahamas very little has been written directly concerning racism since independence. The dearth of literature perhaps reflects the waning importance of the issue and the focus of writers on the pre-independence era. Of value however is Colin Hughes’ Race and Politicsthat explores the underlining theme of racial conflict, embedded in the rhetoric of political propaganda [5]. Likewise, Gail Saunders and Michael Craton, in their seminal work Islanders in the Stream, Vol. II, provide insight into current race relations from a community and social perspective [6]. Worth noting is the article by Howard Johnson exploring the construction of an African-Bahamian identity after independence and Michael Craton’s discussion on the role and status of the ‘Conky Joe’ white Bahamian as a non political entity since 1967 [7]. 

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Historically, The Bahamas presents a unique model of race relations incorporating elements of both the West Indian and Southern United States systems. The West Indian model, institutionalized during slavery, created a tripartite system with a distinct middle class comprised of coloreds who operated as a buffer between the elite white class and the laboring black masses. The colored middle classes, although the progenitors of white and black sexual liaisons, were rejected by whites due to their color while envied by the enslaved because of their freedom [8]. In The Bahamas, evidence of the tripartite racial model was seen in all aspects of the colonies social, economic and political spheres.

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[5]Hughes’ work is also valuable because it extends into the post independence era and provides a race and class analysis model. Colin A Hughes, Race and Politics in The Bahamas, (London, 1981) pp. 21-22. 

[6]Craton and Saunders provide an excellent case study of Spanish Wells. Michael Craton and Gail Saunders, Islanders in the Stream: A History of The Bahamian People,Vol. II, (Athens Georgia, 1998), p. 457.

[7]Howard Johnson, “National Identity and Bahamian Culture,” Yinna, I (2000), pp. 13-20. See also Michael Craton, “Bay Street, Black Power and the Conchy Joes: Race and Class in the Colony and Commonwealth of the Bahamas, 1850-2000”, in The White Minority in the Caribbean, Eds. Howard Johnson and Karl Watson, (Kingston, 1998) pp. 71-94.

[8]Arnold A. Sio “Marginality and Free Colored Identity in Caribbean Society,” Slavery and Abolition, 8, no. 2 (1987), p. 150.

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Hence, in recreational and social activities, coloreds in The Bahamas emulated the white minority in order to distance themselves from the black masses and gain respectability or even acceptance by whites [9]. 

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At the beginning of the twentieth century, profits made from the burgeoning Tourism industry not only exacerbated the existing racial lines but also introduced a stricter more rigidly defined model of race similar to the Jim Crow South of the United States. As Nicolette Bethel has argued the typical West Indian race class pyramid must be adjusted in The Bahamas where the colored class although recognized as a social or aesthetic group, were ambiguously categorized with the black masses as non-whites by the ruling minority and thus lost their distinctive class identity [10]. Consequently, Nassau was segregated almost entirely with color lines separating housing, education, occupation and even social intercourse. Even the mail boat Dart had sections for whites only, prohibiting non-whites from entering the cabins [11]. According to Gail Saunders coloreds and blacks that had benefited from prohibition were pushed off Bay Street, and forced to establish stores in the Over the Hill areas [12]. Even death could not prevent segregation since blacks and coloreds had to be buried in separate graveyards. Such racial practices in Nassau led a Methodist minister in the 1930s to exclaim: “in no other part of the West Indies is the color situation so sad and the racial bitterness so deep as in the Bahamas.”[13].

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[9]Although coloreds rejected certain elements associated with blacks including despising manual labor, agricultural or plantation work they did not abandon completely their African heritage. Gail Saunders, The Role of the Colored Middle Class in Nassau, Bahamas, 1890-1942, Conference of Caribbean Historians: Race Relations in the Caribbean in the 19thand 20thCenturies, April 20-26, 1983, p. 1.

[10]Nicolette Bethel, “Navigations: National Identity and the Archipelago,”Yinna, 1 (2000), p. 25.

[11]Gail Saunders, Bahamian Society after Emancipation, (Kingston, 1994), p. 66.

[12]Gail Saunders “The Changing Face of Nassau: The Impact of Tourism on Bahamian Society in the 1920s and 1930s,” New West Indian Guide71, no. 1-2 (1997), p. 33.

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Even after the 1956 anti-discriminatory resolution and the achievement of majority rule in 1967, racial discrimination persisted. Although there were few race related incidents after the resolution, tensions remained and continued as the Progressive Liberal Party gained in popularity among the masses and racial polarization resulted in the hardening of social divisions [14]. Obviously then, there is much value in exploring the extent to which the concept of race and racism has shaped Bahamian identity since independence. In this light, an exploration of racist attitudes and rhetoric in the development of a political culture, the shaping of community values and the formation of a national or distinct community identity will be discussed. Ultimately, the study of race not only provides us with an awareness of the historical antecedents of our national identity, but also provides the framework for addressing issues that may continue to divide our nation.

 

Race and national identity were inextricably connected in the post independence era. This was no more evident than in the early 1970s where the PLP were preoccupied with promoting and developing African dimensions in the nation’s past. In this respect, the PLP developed a plan for national self- identity incorporating a sense of place, a sense of history, and a heightened awareness of the African origins of the nation’s black people.  In the development of national consciousness, the most important aspect was the racial identity that the nation increasingly assumed. The emphasis placed on a black racial identity was a rejection of the white counter identity and the recently ended period of minority rule. Instilling a black national identity was also a reaction against the marginalization of Black Bahamians in history texts or the Euro centric representations of African civilization and Afro-Bahamians in those books where they were discussed [15].

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[13]Ibid., p. 34.

[14]Dr. Gail Saunders, “The Impact of Tourism on Bahamian Society and Culture: An Historical Perspective,” Yinna1 (2000), p 80.

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The PLP’s new orientation was influenced both by the black political movement in The Bahamas and the Black Power movement in the U.S. For example, the first exhibition mounted by the Department of Archives in February 1973 was entitled ‘Aspects of Slavery’. At the opening the Honorable Livingston Coakley, Minister of Education and Culture remarked that “the survival despite hardships and extreme difficulties by Bahamian forebears as a practical illustration for present citizens on the eve of nationhood.”[16]. Coakley’s emphasis on the shared historical experience of Bahamians of African ancestry provided a sense of national consciousness and unity. Indeed, Howard Johnson has noted that blackness and African-derived cultural expressions were essential to developing a sense of nationality, Bahamian identity and a popular understanding of Bahamian history [17]. Lisle Alleyne writing in the Nassau Guardian clearly demonstrated this connection when she succinctly wrote: 

 

Our Bahamian identity is a unique identity because it is based on our African experiences and our Bahamian experiences. I know the colored people are saying that they have never been to Africa to have such an experience, but these are the experiences of our forefathers that produced: Junkanoo, Goombay etc. These are the experiences that make up our identity and culture; these are the experiences that make Bahamians unique [18].

 

Interestingly, the writer equates the term ‘colored’ with blacks, reflecting a shift from the original meaning of the word that was historically associated with the mulattoes or mixed class. This popular view reflected the widespread belief immediately following independence and supported by PLP stalwarts that a true Bahamian was phenotypically identified as black. Indeed, the popularity of the PLP was related to their efforts to promote black consciousness and race pride among the majority. 

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[13]Ibid., p. 34.

[14]Dr. Gail Saunders, “The Impact of Tourism on Bahamian Society and Culture: An Historical Perspective,” Yinna1 (2000), p 80.

[15]Howard Johnson, “National Identity and Bahamian Culture,” Yinna, 1 (2000), pp. 13-15.

[16]Nassau Guardian, February 13th1973 cited by Howard Johnson “National Identity and Bahamian Culture,” Yinna,1 (2000), p. 14. 

[17]Ibid., p. 16. 

[18]Lisle Alleyne, Jr. who wrote from Pace College in New York City Nassau Guardian 1 March 1973, cited in Howard Johnson, “National Identity and Bahamian Culture,” Yinna, 1 (2000), p. 15. 

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Economic empowerment for the black masses was also espoused by the PLP. This was evident in the campaign leading up to the 1977 general election. One party supporter glowingly endorsed the efforts of the PLP when he remarked:

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Before 1967 what colored man had had a nice big house? If you had found two you would not have found three. All they had was huts. Or where could you have found colored people working in the banks? Where could you have found electricity on every street or almost every house? [19]

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Although the PLP certainly made some progressive changes, the economic disparity between the whites and blacks remained entrenched after independence. Local whites retained their economic hegemony by simply maintaining family traditions, training their children towards the professions and mercantile jobs, and reforming their hiring practices. Indeed, the white Bay Streeters who had lost their political power with Majority Rule and independence, continued to flourish, being labeled the White Knights by one political columnist [20].

 

Yet Brent Symonette, the white MP for Montagu, in an interview on March 21st 2003 claimed that the idea of Bay Street being controlled by a small group of white merchants was a myth perpetuated by the political powers of the day. He mentioned that black merchants had become extremely successful in making inroads on Bay Street including Tiger Finlayson and Mats Gibson [21].

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While Symonette provided examples of a few successful black entrepreneurs on Bay Street, the continued presence of a cabal of white controlled property owners persisted. According to Michael Craton, observers noted that most of the businesses on central Bay Street continued to be white-owned throughout the 1990s and that whites carefully maintained nearly all the freeholds of the few premises leased to blacks [22]. 

 

Although Bay Street continued to be dominated by the white minority, coloreds and blacks made inroads in other areas. Indeed, in Family Island communities, non-whites particularly benefited from the change in government in 1992. This was true in the case of the ‘Long Island Whites’ who were more or less marginalized during the PLP’s tenure and who actually enjoyed a period of unprecedented economic prosperity [23].  In New Providence, professionally trained and educated blacks were able to achieve upward mobility, many moving out of the Over the Hill areas to more lavish housing in newly developed subdivisions in the southeast and western ends of the island. 

 

Yet, in The Bahamas, the black, white and colored classes remained divided along racial lines. Most whites continued to live either on the ridges on the eastern or western end of New Providence or on the isolated offshore cays of Abaco and Eleuthera. In New Providence apart from the white population confined to a thin line of housing on the North shore, there was a growing pocket in Centerville on the eastern edge of the old city of Nassau.[24]Moreover, while some black and colored professionals became upwardly mobile, the disparity between the rich and the poor seemed unevenly balanced towards white Bahamians who both in New Providence and the Family Islands enjoyed renewed economic strength, investing in land and lavish housing in their ‘preferred location.’   

 

 

[22]Michael Craton and Gail Saunders, Islanders in the Stream,Vol. II, (Athens, Georgia, 1998), p. 440.

[23]Craton, “Bay Street and Black Power”, in The White Minority in the Caribbean, p. 86.[24]Colin A Hughes, Race and Politics in The Bahamas, (London: 1981), p. 25.

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In addition to class divisions, politics in The Bahamas continued to reflect a preoccupation with race in the post independence era. Arguably, in no other area has the issue of race held such a dominant position than in Bahamian politics. One of the reasons why race and politics were so intricately connected was because Pindling and the PLP government used the race card in their speeches and campaigning to rally the support of the masses. On more than one occasion Pindling aired the epic African-American movie Roots before elections. In the 1977 election campaign, for example, one placard at a BDP rally exclaimed ‘Food not Roots Mr. PM,’ in obvious reference to the programming intended for ZNS [25]. Opposing candidates often were aware of Pindling’s attempt to divert the issue away from pressing economic and political concerns by showing Roots. Janet Bostwick, at the time a young political aspirant and candidate for the Pinedale constituency in 1977, charged the PLP with showing Roots “simply to stir up racial hatred in this general election campaign.”[26]. As a parting shot at Pindling, Bostwick argued that it was “hypocritical for the PM to show Roots or segments of it at PLP meetings in New Providence but when the PM was in Abaco he would be seen hugging Caucasian candidate Edison Key.” [27]. In the end, her criticism of the PLP suggested that the airing of Roots was simply a political ploy to gain votes from the majority. Even in the 1992 election campaign the Nassau Guardianas early as April had predicted that: “the PLP would get out that old racial horse and flog it into full sprint towards election day.” [28]. Although Radio ZNS did not repeat the cliché of rerunning Roots as part of its campaign, it did broadcast’ racially inflammatory programs accusing the FNM of being the Old UBP in disguise [29].

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[25]Nassau GuardianJuly 6th1977 (Monty Ritchie, Channel 10 to televise BDP rally).

[26]Nassau Guardian July 13, 1977 (Clunis Devaney, Roots telecast designed ‘to stir up racial hatred’).

[27]Nassau Guardian July 13, 1977.

[28]Michael Craton and Gail Saunders, Islanders in the StreamVol. II, p. 386.

[29]Ibid.,  p. 386.

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Pindling’s opponents often charged that his use of racial propaganda was as bad or worse than his colonial predecessors. Dr. John MacCartney, leader of the left-wing Vanguard Party argued that the PLP practiced a form of neo-colonialism by simply replicating the practices of the white minority. As such the PLP were able to remain in power until 1992 by continuing to victimize and ostracize Bahamians who spoke out against its policies while ignoring deteriorating economic conditions through the skillful use of the race card. McCartney further stated that the blatant appeal to race resonated with the Black masses, who did not see a trustworthy non-racist alternative to the PLP [30]. Further criticism of the PLP came from the more conservative voice of Arthur Foulkes in a speech aired on ZNS radio in 1977, the BDP candidate for Delaporte implored Bahamians: 

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Not to be deceived by the PLP with there tired old racist propaganda. It is time that we in the Bahamas grow up to the facts of life and that is that we have to live together and work together as Bahamians if we are to achieve true peace and tranquility within our shores. Racism does not belong to a civilized and Godly society. A society cannot fulfill its full potential for social and cultural development as long as it is plagued with racism [31].

 

Many FNM and BDP party supporters echoed similar sentiments about the race issue. In the July 12th 1977 edition of the Nassau Guardian, E.L. Halcon addressed the race issue by suggesting that the PLP believed they could win black votes by simply stating that they are a black party [32]. He further suggested that many Bahamians had become intimidated and manipulated by the PLP’s claim that a vote for a certain party would be giving the country back to the white man [33]. Like Foulkes, Halcon appealed to Bahamians to leave color out of the

 

[30]John T McCartney, “The Influences of the Black Panther Party (USA) on the Vanguard Party of the Bahamas 1972-1987,” New Political Science, 21, no. 2 (1999), p. 209.

[31]Nassau GuardianFriday July 15th1977 (Foulkes warns nation not to be deceived by racist propaganda).

[32]Nassau Guardian July 12th1977 (E.L. Halcon, to the Editor).

[33]Nassau Guardian, July 12th1977.

 

campaigns, suggesting he would “far prefer an honest white man than a dishonest black man.” [34]. Another writer, N. Hepburne specifically criticized Pindling for using every trick in the book including reverting to stirring up hate towards white people to win the election [35].  Hepburne ended his letter by reminding readers not to get caught up in the race issue orchestrated by the PLP “and allow these past experiences to prevent us from voting with our heads. Who are we going to hurt? Not the white man, and the dead slaves.”[36]. Another writer called Scorpio made the most succinct and critical appraisal of the PLP’s use of race in election campaigning when he remarked that: 

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Whether or not there is any historical basis for the claim of the black majority being subjected to 300 years of slavery by the white minority it has little if any relevance to the present realities of life and it should not be used as an excuse for reversed racism. The fact is the only kind of slavery Bahamians have known in recent times is that resulting from the PLP leadership [37].

 

Evidently, Scorpio felt the PLP’s use of race served only to inflame the fire of racism towards the politically marginalized white minority.   

     

In contrast, PLP supporters claimed that white merchants were secretly funding the opposition parties and feared The Bahamas would return to white minority rule if the government lost the election. In a letter in the July 19thedition of the Nassau Guardian, L.D. Taxpayer reminded his readers “for the past 10 years (since the PLP took over) I have been free, so why should I go back under the white law again? Not because we are colored people, should we go back to slavery again.”[38].

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[34]Nassau Guardian, July 12th1977            

[35]Nassau GuardianFriday July 15th1977 (N. Hepburne, to the Editor).

[36]Nassau GuardianFriday July 15th1977.

[37]Nassau Guardian July 16th, 1977 (El Scorpio, letter to the Editor).

[38]Nassau Guardian July 19th, 1977 (L.D. Taxpayer to the Editor).

 

Fear of a return to white minority rule was also evident in the writing of Dudley Capron when he argued; “We must not let the white man invade our minds with his teachings for he is the enemy of freedom for the black man. Instill black pride in your hearts, glorify in your blackness.”[39]. Clearly in 1977, the issue of race was not only tied to the popular support of the masses but integral to an understanding of national identity. 

 

More recent debate has demonstrated that race remains a central part of political discourse in The Bahamas. In November 2002, the chairman of the PLP, Raynard Rigby admitted that the PLP needed to focus on winning the support of the white Bahamian in order to achieve victory in the 2007 general elections. Rigby, speaking on Island FM’s Parliament Street, further argued that the PLP needed to reach across the brow and invite white Bahamians into the PLP. Rigby confessed that although whites amounted to 15% of the Bahamian population he was not certain that the PLP had the support of even 1% [40]. In order to bring more whites into the PLP in mass, Rigby believed that talks about the non-acceptance of whites by the PLP needs to be abolished sooner than later [41]. Although Rigby’s comments appeared conciliatory, the FNM chairman Dwight Sawyer was extremely critical of his statements. In the Nassau Tribunedated December 6th, 2002, Sawyer claimed that the PLP chairman “insulted white Bahamians by suggesting that they be invited to join en masse in order to ensure the PLP remain the government.” [42] .Sawyer further suggested that the PLP continues to view the white minority as merely political assets. As such, while the PLP would like to be identified as a new pluralistic multiracial party, it has not done enough to establish credibility with white Bahamians. According to Sawyer, the credibility of the PLP was damaged by Rigby’s comments

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[39]The Tribune June 4th1977 (Dudley Capron to the Editor).

[40]The TribuneNovember 25th2002 (Daniel Stubbs, Rigby: P.L.P. need white support).

[41]The TribuneNovember 25th2002.

[42]Nassau Tribune, Friday December 6th, 2002 (FNM: Rigby insulted white Bahamians).

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because they reflected the old racial bigotry of the Pindling era that alienated white Bahamians for decades [43]. As an adept political propagandist himself, Sawyer was then able to shift the focus onto his party, suggesting that the FNM represented a truly pluralistic multiracial party claiming that:

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From 1992-2002 FNM put effort into building bridges of friendship, unity and peaceful existence among races and classes in the community, so that today the country is among the most homogenous and racially harmonious in the region. Under FNM watch we effected the annual One Bahamas celebration which each year reaffirms that commitment to peace and unity and today Bahamians growing up with greater sense of fair play and shared heritage [44].

 

Although Sawyer accurately assessed some of the initiatives established by the FNM government, he was overly optimistic about current race relations in The Bahamas and the role his party played in creating such a ‘harmonious environment’. 

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Recent issues surrounding Brent Symonette’s plans for challenging the leadership of the party have brought race to the forefront of the FNM party and the nation as a whole. When interviewed, Brent Symonette argued that during his public campaign throughout The Bahamas he had received overwhelming support in his efforts to challenge for the party leadership. Nevertheless, he acknowledged that he was not campaigning in the heat of an election campaign where racism could be whipped up against him. Yet even here, Symonette confidently added that the question of race was not one of the reasons that would cause him to withdraw his candidacy [45]. 

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Other politicians supported Symonette’s candidacy. Algernon Allen in an interview with the Tribune, on April 2nd, endorsed the idea of a white party leader when he remarked that “the fact that his father was ex-premier Sir Roland Symonette- who led the old UBP government in the 1960s should no longer be a consideration.” [46].

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[43]The Tribune, Friday December 6th, 2002.

[44]The Tribune, Friday December 6th, 2002.

[45]Interview with Brent Symonette, March 21st2003.

[46]The TribuneApril 3rd, 2003 (We Should be mature enough to accept Symonette as contender). 

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According to Allen, some Bahamians fear that if Brent were leader of the party it would result in a return to slavery. However, Allen dismissed this notion by arguing that the concept of Bay Street controlled by a white mercantile elite is “likened to an old derelict vehicle left on the side of the road years ago. There is no such thing as a mercantile grouping dominating this nation. To preach that is demagoguery.” [47]. Expressing similar sentiments, Bernard Nottage leader of the CDR, suggested in a radio interview that a white Bahamian could once again lead a political party but only after the last stigmata of race is removed from Bahamian society where whites are included in all national expressions and not apart from them [48]. In a poll conducted by the Tribune, out of 370 persons participating, 66% believed The Bahamas was ready for a political party to have a white leader. Of the 250 ‘yes’ voters many felt that The Bahamas has moved beyond the race issue. Many suggested that if the leader is qualified and listens to the masses then it was acceptable [49]. In the Tribune editorial of April 16th, the editor strongly supported the idea of a white leader, remarking that “the time has come when any Bahamian of ability, vision and devotion to his country can become prime minister-regardless of color.”[50].        

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Despite these endorsements, many people had reservations about Symonette and the possibility of a white party leader.  In the Tribunepoll, those that voted no believed that since the country is comprised mainly of blacks there ought to be a black leader. Others cited the pervasive insecurity and distrust of whites as a reason why a white party leader was not acceptable [51].  Nikki Kelly in the Bahamas Journalnoted that because of his color and political antecedents, Mr. Symonette should abandon the idea of aspiring to the leadership of his party. Kelly concluded that it would take another fifty years before the black majority accepts a white man whose family was associated with white minority rule in a leadership position [52].  It is evident that while the racial rhetoric of the Pindling era has subsided, the historical antecedents of race and politics still influence Bahamians today particularly where leadership issues arise [53].

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[47]The TribuneApril 3rd, 2003.

[48]The Tribune,January 13th2003, (Dominic Duncombe, Nottage- A White man can be PM-CDR leader: The Bahamas must move beyond these issues).

[49]The TribuneApril 14th2003 (Callers say Bahamas is ready for a white leader of a political party).

[50]The TribuneApril 16th, 2003 (The Bahamas is ready for a white leader). 

[51]The Tribune, April 14th, 2003. 

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A survey conducted in February 2003, suggests that race remains a powerful and at times divisive issue in Bahamian society as a whole. The survey represented a stratified modified model in that it targeted specific Family Island and New Providence communities with varied racial components. As such, the all white Family island communities of Spanish Wells and Hope Town as well as the black community of Bain Town in New Providence were targeted. Additionally, biracial bifurcated communities of Rock Sound, Marsh Harbor and Harbor Island were surveyed. The choice of Abaco, Eleuthera and their adjoining offshore cays was based on the demographic patterns of these islands, where the largest number of whites outside of New Providence settled and residential segregation had been practiced for well over two hundred years. For each community targeted, individuals residing within the settlement conducted a survey of twenty respondents. Of the total respondents, sixty-five percent were female to thirty-five percent male, ranging in age from 13 to 74. 77% of the respondents identified themselves as black while only 23% identified themselves as white [54]. Of note, 91% of the respondents were Bahamian with the remainder being 6% Haitian and 3% American. Of the 91% Bahamian respondents, 45% were born in New Providence, with Abaco a distant second at 26.3% and Eleuthera and Harbor Island at 13.7% and 12.6% respectively. 

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[52]Bahama Journal  (S. Wilson to Editor).

[53]The TribuneApril 14th2003 (Does Color matter in race for FNM leader?).

[54]This was slightly higher than the last official census that recorded 15% white to 85% black. The censuses of 1943 and 1953 were the only ones after 1851 designating the Bahamian population by race. After 1953 racial categories were not given in The Bahamas census both because of the difficulties in tabulation and of heightened racial sensitivities. After 1953, therefore, while a fair calculation of the number of expatriate whites can be given from the statistics of national origin, that of native Bahamian whites or persons of mixed race cannot.See Michael Craton, “Bay Street, Black Power and the Conchy Joes”, p. 92.

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The level of social interaction determined the response to many of the questions in the survey. For example, 92% of all respondents felt comfortable around people of another race yet only 79% acknowledged that they had friends of another race. Business and work-related interaction were evident where 84.7% did business with persons of another race, 88.8% would employ a person of another race and 68% worked or went to classes with persons of another race. Interaction declined with involvement in recreational or sporting activities where only 51% of respondents participated with people of another race. Again, when considering playing sports or engaging in recreational activities with another race 40% of respondents would, while on the other hand 42% replied with a maybe. Additionally, declining interaction outside of formal business and work areas was evident where only 54.5% of respondents would date someone of another race. The persistence of residential segregation was also evident in that only 58% of respondents lived in a residential area with persons of another race and only 50% of persons living in an all white or all black community would consider living in a mixed residential area. In general terms, the persistence of racism in the various communities was evident where 64.6% of respondents agreed that there was racism in their community and 62.2% had experienced personally some form of racism. 

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The opinionated questions also verified the persistence of racism in The Bahamas. As to whether racism is a problem in The Bahamas today, 42% strongly agreed, 36% agreed while on the other hand only 14% of respondents disagreed and 8% strongly disagreed. Perhaps more telling was the question of racial harmony in the community. Only 33% strongly agreed that there was racial harmony in their community. Respondent’s concern over the issue of racism was reflected by 73.7% who strongly agreed that racial harmony was a critical issue in The Bahamas today while only 14% disagreed and 1% strongly disagreed. Interestingly, only 21% of respondents strongly agreed that racism was a problem for them whereas 29% disagreed and 38% strongly disagreed.     

                        

In general, the survey results suggest that interaction between individuals of different races takes place but that less formal, social or intimate relations are still unacceptable for most Bahamians surveyed. In essence, while Bahamians were willing to do business and employ persons of another race, dating, playing sports or other recreational activities were less appealing. Social distancing theory helps explain why individuals within a particular racial group distance themselves from others. According to Muzafer Sherif, interaction between different groups in a competitive environment often led to hostile derogatory name calling, stereotyping and unfavorable attitudes towards others developing [55].

 

[55]Muzafer Sherif, “Super-ordinate Goals in the Reduction of Inter-group Conflict”, in Social Psychology,(Third Edition) ed. Terry F Pettijohn  (Guilford Connecticut, 2001), p. 146.

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In Alan Gary LaFlamme’s, study of the bi-racial community on Green Turtle Cay in 1972 he suggested a number of forces that have kept the two ethnic groups apart noting the relative physical isolation, residential segregation, segregated work schedules, recreational segregation and social distance. Within the social distance framework, LaFlamme also noted the preference for socializing within one’s own ethnic group over the other group. As a result, LaFlamme noted that on Green Turtle Cay, differences in culture are maintained or even created and derived from differences in resources, personal association, and shared ideas [56]. Even the Loyalist Memorial Garden erected by the whites in 1983 symbolizes the community’s racial segregation with its central icon a heroic Loyalist woman waving the union flag and a loyal female slave ‘a suitable’ step or two behind [57].

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Within all white Family island communities a common thread of residential segregation and racial attitudes remains entrenched [58]. Historically, Spanish Wells was known as the most prejudiced of all the white communities, prohibiting blacks from remaining on the island overnight [59]. Today, except for a handful of government officials (and, anomalously, the black wife of a white Methodist minister), the entire population of the original settlement remains ‘Conchy Joe’ white, the majority are blood relations and more than one quarter rejoice in the single surname Pinder [60]. The dominance of racial attitudes is clearly evident even today from the community’s refusal to complete the survey conducted on racism in The Bahamas [61].

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However, its residential segregation policy has shifted in recent years from Bahamian black laborers on the mainland to the growing number of Haitian nationals living as squatters on nearby Russell Island. In 1989 a crisis was reached when twenty-five white children were withdrawn by their parents from the public school on the grounds that they were now outnumbered by Haitian pupils, who were said to be uncleanly, carry infectious diseases, and to speak only kweyole.

 

 

 

[56]Alan Gary LaFlamme, Green Turtle Cay: A Bi-racial Community in the Out Island Bahamas (PhD thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1972), cited in Colin Hughes, Race and Politics, p. 23. 

[57]Craton, “Bay Street, Black Power and the Conchy Joes”, p. 84.

[58]Gail Saunders, Bahamian Society after Emancipation,(Kingston, 1994), p. 61.

[59]Ibid., p. 66.

[60]Michael Craton, “Bay Street, Black Power and Conchy Joes”, p. 87.

[61]Interview with Abner Pinder, Local Government Official for Spanish Wells. March 19th2003. Abner attempted to conduct the survey but admitted he had been frustrated by members of the community who refused to answer the questions, many citing that they had problems with the questions related to dating and sexual relations with persons of another race. 

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With assistance from the government, the crisis was resolved in a pragmatic way that allowed the whites to paternalistically boast that they alone knew how to deal with inferiors of another race [62]. Unfortunately, Spanish Wells is not alone in its residential segregation policy. Craton and Saunders note that by the 1980s, each of the Abaco Cays had its small resident group of Haitian migrants, informally assigned a location for their settlement in the remotest spot and in the case of Man-o-War Cay, adjacent to the garbage dump [63].

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Although the general trend has shifted towards racially stereotyping Haitians, traditional racist attitudes among Bahamians still predominated in the post independence era.  In a recent letter to the editor of the Nassau Tribune, the author noted that although The Bahamas has been a free black independent nation for thirty years racial problems persist today. She further argued that white lies are still being taught in schools and that the police are still afraid of white people often overlooking their crimes [64]. As a concluding statement the author suggested that both local, and foreign whites ought to “pack your evil attitude in a bag with the rest of your things and leave our beautiful shores. The battle is over and you have lost.”[65]. Equally revealing was the response to this letter by Meghen McCombe O’Brien who suggested that the previous author had brought shame and humiliation to many proud Bahamian people. O’Brien asserted that the writer was a racist and only magnified her own ignorance and hypocritical beliefs towards what truly defines a Bahamian [66]. In a rhetorical tone O’Brien questioned how can a “truly proud Bahamian preach, that racism is okay as long as it is black against white and not vica versa?”[67]. O’Brien herself took the offense when she said: 

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You need to go back to school keep your mouth shut and learn that Bahamians built this country not just black Bahamians. Ms. Wells, it is you and people like you black and white that keep racism alive in today’s society and it is you all that should be condemned, not for physical acts of violence, but mental acts of violence as it is you that punish innocent Bahamians and constantly ignite the flame of our tragic history to keep the fire of ignorance alive in today’s society, forever weakening the power of the Bahamian spirit [68].

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[62]Craton and Saunders, Islanders in the Stream. Vol. I, pp. 457-458.

[63]Ibid., p. 457.

[64]The TribuneJanuary 21st, 2003 (Ursula Wells to the Editor).

[65]The TribuneJanuary 21st, 2003.

[66]The Tribune January 23rd, 2003 (Meghen McCombe O’Brien, Letter to the Editor).

[67]The Tribune January 23rd, 2003.

[68]The Tribune January 23rd, 2003 

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While both authors attempted to discuss the issue from an objective point of view, it is clear from the personalized nature of the comments that race remains a powerfully divisive issue in The Bahamas. Tragically Bahamians of different racial backgrounds are still unable to discuss issues of race and themes such as slavery without in the words of Patricia- Glinton Meicholas, growing bitter, ashamed or self- righteous [69].

 

 In the end, race has proven to be a dominant aspect of Bahamian identity reflected in political discourse, community values, the persistence of distinctive class lines and attitudes. In the political arena, the recent debate over the possibility of a white party leader has certainly proven that race remains a powerful tool in political rhetoric and reality. Similarly, based on the survey conducted in various Family Island and New Providence communities it is evident that social distancing is related to the persistence of racial attitudes. Although clearly defined class and race lines have become blurred with the growth of a wealthier more educated black middle class, residential segregation and economic disenfranchisement are still prevalent. In essence, although the introduction of ‘One Bahamas’ celebrations and other unifying initiatives have instilled a level of commonly held customs and values, there are still latent and overt forms of racial tensions that divide Bahamians. Ultimately, as The Bahamas, approaches its fourty-fifth year of independence, the issue of race is still not resolved.    

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[69]Patricia Glinton- Meicholas, “Uncovering the Bahamian Self, ” Yinna1 (2000), p. 108.

   

 

Bibliography

 

Bethel, Nicolette. “Navigations: National Identity and the Archipelago”, Yinna, 1 (2000), pp. 21-34.

 

Craton, Michael and Gail Saunders, Islanders in the StreamVol. II, Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1998. 

 

Craton, Michael. “Bay Street, Black Power and the Conchy Joes: Race and Class in the Colony and Commonwealth of the Bahamas, 1850-2000”, in Howard Johnson and Karl Watson (eds.) The White Minority in the Caribbean, Kingston: Ian Randle, 1998, pp. 71-94. 

 

Cyrus, Virginia. Ed. Experiencing Race, Class and Gender in the United States, Mountain View California: Mayfield Publishing Company, 2000.

 

Franklin, John Hope. “Ethnicity in American Life: The Historical Perspective”, in Virginia Cyrus (ed). Experiencing Race Class and Gender in the United States,  Mountain View California: Mayfied Publishing Company, 2000, pp. 14-19. 

 

Hughes, Colin A. Race and Politics in The Bahamas, London: University of Queensland Press, 1981.

 

Johnson, Howard. “National Identity and Bahamian Culture”, Yinna, 1: (2000), pp. 13-20.

 

McCartney, John T., “The Influences of the Black Panther Party (USA) on the Vanguard Party of the Bahamas 1972-1987”, New Political Science, 21, no.2, (1999), pp. 205-210. 

 

McCollin, Evelyn. Resistance and Afro-Caribbean Influences in the development of Bahamian National Identity, presented at Bahamas Historical Society, May 30th, 2002.

 

Meicholas, Patricia Glinton. “Uncovering the Bahamian Self”, Yinna, 1 (2000), pp 104-110.

 

Saunders, Gail, Bahamian Society after Emancipation. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle, 1994.

 

Saunders, Gail. The Role of the Colored Middle Class in Nassau, Bahamas, 1890-1942, Conference of Caribbean Historians: Race Relations in the Caribbean in the 19thand 20thcenturies, April 20-26, 1983.

 

Saunders, Gail. “The Changing Face of Nassau: The Impact of Tourism on Bahamian Society in the 1920s and 1930s”, New West Indian Guide71, no. 1-2 (1997), pp. 21-42.

 

Saunders, Gail “The Impact of Tourism on Bahamian Society and Culture: An Historical Perspective”, Yinna1 (2000), pp. 72-87.

 

Sherif, Muzafer. “Super ordinate Goals in the Reduction of Inter-group Conflict”, in Terry F Pettijohn (ed). Social Psychology, (Third Edition), Guilford, Connecticut: McGraw-Hill Dushkin, 2001, pp. 143-149.

 

Sio, Arnold A. “Marginality and Free Colored Identity in Caribbean Society”, Slavery and Abolition8, no. 2 (1987), pp.166-182.                            

Newspapers

Nassau Guardian

Nassau Tribune

Bahamas Journal

Interviews

Abner Pinder March 19th2003

Brent Symonette March 21st2003